The real alternative to small government and low taxes is a more equitable distribution of wealth, Part I.

The two constants that unify the Republican party and the right-wing since the ascension of Reaganism in the late 70’s are the calls for lower taxes and less government.  These are the two pillars of the right that unify the wing-nuts, the Christian right, the libertarians and the dwindling number of what used to be called “Main Street Republicans” or “Rockefeller Republicans” (most of whom have fled to the Democratic party, driving that political party rightward).

The pull of these two ideas is obvious:  On the surface when there is less government and lower taxes people have more freedom and more money. 

Over the next few blog entries, I want to take a look at what the alternative is to less government and lower taxes.  I think at the end of the day, we’ll find that less government and lower taxes do not lead to more wealth, but instead, to a transfer of wealth from the poor and middle class to the extremely wealthy.

Let’s start with less government, not as a to-die-for philosophical concept, but as an option to address problems and challenges.  Are public schools better or private/charter schools?  Should governments or private businesses run prisons?  How much should our military do in the war and how much should it job out to consultants such as Blackwater and KBR? Should we regulate industries or let them set their own standards?

One of our leading beliefs over the past 30 years embedded in virtually every media story about business and economics is that the private sector can accomplish any task much more efficiently and with a higher-quality solution than government can.  Comedians joke about government workers and journalists assume the private sector always is the first choice.  Both Republicans and Democrats rail against big government when running for office.

But if businesses were inherently so superior to governmental bodies, why would it be the case that 56% of all new business fail within four years? By contrast, the number of municipalities that have ever gone bankrupt in the United States is infinitesimally low. 

Some will immediately realize that one main reason for the low rate of government failure is that it is easier for a stable government to raise taxes or borrow money than it is for an unstable business to find financing to continue operations, but that is exactly one of the advantages of having government address broad social needs like building and repairing roads, protecting our communities, educating our young or providing health care to the elderly and poor.  A government, while it must bend to the will of the people, can think and act long term and therefore not break under the momentary pressures of the marketplace.

Let’s go beyond philosophy now and look at performance:

  • Virtually all studies on charter school performance demonstrate that charter schools almost always fail to improve student performance and often worsen it.  Here is one of many examples: a recent Stanford University study found that the math performance of 46% of charter schools is indistinguishable from public schools, 17% had substantially higher scores and 37% of charter schools had substantially lower scores than their public school equivalents.
  • The privatization of our prisons over the past 25 years has been a festering scandal of prisoner abuse and fraud.
  • Did you prefer how our wars went when we used relatively few contractors as in World War I and II, or now that we’re making massive use of military contractors in Iraq and Afghanistan?  
  • When the government loans money to students for college and career training, the terms are significantly better than when the private sector was allowed to do so between the early 90’s and this year. 
  • We all hear jokes about trying to interact with government workers, and I can honestly say that every call I have ever made to a government agency that didn’t know me already was an extremely frustrating experience.  But why don’t you spend the afternoon trying to talk with your cable system provider, telephone service provider, a company that sold you your computer, the electrical power company and one airline, and then tell me that the private sector is any better.

So let’s look at what happens every single time a private for-profit company does something that government can do or traditionally has done: Whether for schools, prisons, or cooking and delivering meals to soldiers, the private company makes (or sets its budget with the intention to make) profit for its key executives and shareholders. 

Now it’s a simple fact that low level government workers, many of whom are unionized, typically make more money than their peers in the private sector, most of whom aren’t unionized, whereas private sector presidents, officers and senior management make far more than department heads and other civil service executives.  

Some government contracting makes sense, e.g., to manufacture tents for soldiers or provide a special social service to an “at-risk” population.  In fact, some very successful government programs; for example, Medicare and Medicaid are really public-private partnerships in which government uses private insurance companies for claims processing and quality control.

But whether successful like Medicare benefit management companies or a sheer failure like privatized schools, prisons and war-making, when the government awards a contract out instead of doing it with its own resources, it is taking money from lower paid employees, who tend to be middle class, and giving it to executives and investors, who tend to be wealthy.

In the case of education, lower-paid nonunionized charter school teachers replace higher-paid unionized teachers.  The idea that this transfer of wealth from workers to management will increase student performance goes completely against the grain of basic U.S. thought.  Remember, an ideological tenet we hold especially dear is that people who make more money generally do a better job than those who make less money in any given field.  If it works for attorneys, marketing executives, athletes, movie stars, architects, engineers, physicians, accountants, business leaders and other professionals, why doesn’t it work for school teachers?  Shouldn’t the basic economic flow of money in charter schools from school teacher to executive by definition produce a decline in performance? Of course it should, and the statistics prove it does.

So whenever politicians are making a case for smaller government that involves one of the basic goods and services that have traditionally been a task of democratic governments in the U.S. or Western Europe, part of that case always involves a massive transfer of wealth up the economic food chain, typically from the middle class to wealthy.

Tomorrow I’ll look at that other sacred cow of conservatives: lower taxes.

Here’s more proof that the news media are actively facilitating those who want to question global warming.

This week has brought more proof that the news media, taken either as a large group of individual media or a much smaller group of large media conglomerates, are actively facilitating those who want to question global warming.

Stanford Research Institute’s Political Psychology Group, under the direction of the estimable Professor Jon Krosnick, released a study on either Wednesday or Thursday that shows that 74% of all Americans believe the Earth has been warming over the past 100 years and 75% believe that humans have been substantially responsible for the new heat.  An overwhelming 86% want the federal government to limit the amount of air pollution businesses emit.  The survey polled 1,000 people.

In both the news release about the study that was released on Thursday and the Op/Ed piece by Professor Krosnick the day before in the New York Times, the Professor analyzes other studies by CNN, Gallop and Pew that have, on the surface, shown greater public doubt on global warming.  Professor Krosnick demonstrates that these studies asked indirect or confusing questions.  For example, Gallup asked “Thinking about what is said in the news, in your view, is the seriousness of global warming generally exaggerated, generally correct or is it generally underestimated?,” which is a question about media reporting not about beliefs in global warming.

How did reporting on this study fare in the news media?  If we count the release of the study as the day the Times article appeared, then on the second day the survey had 22 hits on Goggle News and the third day (today) had 37 hits.  If we count the distribution of the news release as the first day of the announcement, then the second day’s total was 37.

Let’s compare this coverage to the release of the George Mason University study that 50% of TV weather personalities don’t believe global warming.  You know, TV weather personalities, half of whom have never studied weather, the other half of whom are meteorologists who are not required to study climatology.  I’ve talked about this survey twice before, on March 30, 2010 and two days later.  This survey had second day Google News totals of 96 and third day totals of 108.   The news media actually perverted the goals of the study, which were to measure a barrier to communicating to the public effectively about global warming issues.

So depending on how you jigger the numbers, the news media have given from 259% to 290% more coverage to the misunderstood survey from the much smaller and lower ranked George Mason than it has given to the clear and precise survey by the much more prestigious Stanford University.  No offense to George Mason, but facts are facts.

Why do the news media persist in overplaying the statements of disbelievers in global warming and underplaying the statements of proponents?  Why is it even an issue?  Global warming is a fact.  The real issue is what countries, businesses and each of us individually is going to do about it. 

Some might say that my Google News results are skewered by the large right-wing news media led by Rush, Sean and Glen, but even if you remove these wing-nuts from the numbers, there still seems to be extensive coverage of “if it exists” in what is considered the “mainstream” news media.  Moreover, when you consider the small number of media owners nowadays and the way the main stream media cover the right-wing media as a story in and of itself, I’m beginning to believe that it may no longer be accurate to make a distinction between right-wing and mainstream media.

By keeping up the discussion on whether global warming exists, the news media slow down consideration of how to respond.  I’m sure many readers will remember how long the cigarette industry tried to stonewall the undeniable proofs that smoking or chewing tobacco products causes cancer.  I don’t remember the news media being quite so accommodating to the tobacco industry once the facts were in.  But then again, as much as the tobacco companies advertised and lobbied, the oil companies, electrical utilities and large manufacturing, metal extraction and chemical industries do more.

Random notes on various subjects to thrill and bore you at the same time.

Time to do some blog housekeeping again.

First, I want to make sure everyone sees the response to my June 7 blog on Nestlé’s new product–an elaborate system that produces a ton of waste just so people don’t have to boil water for tea.

As you’ll see, John Sargent thought I implied that Nestlé was no longer doing exploitative marketing against which people have boycotted for years.  I wasn’t saying that, but John is right that I could have used the opportunity to remind people that there is still a boycott of Nestlé products.  John does in his response:

John Sargent says:

June 7, 2010 at 12:49 pm

I am surprised by the tone at the end of this article which seems to suggest that Nestle are no longer guilty of inappropriately marketing their baby milk products in developing countries. If only that were true. Sadly this isn’t the case. They are still in breach of the WHO guidelines and the boycott on their products remains.

See the Baby Milk Action blog:
http://info.babymilkaction.org/news/campaignblog260510

Find Baby Milk Action on Facebook:
http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=4978994961

Moving right along, I’ve posted twice about the need to make sure the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, on June 2 and February 19, 2010.

In my June 2 blog entry, I asked readers to write all the Commission members asking them to make sure that the Commission recommends that the federal government pays the Social Security Trust Fund back all the money it has been borrowing from the Trust Fund since the Reagan administration.   I gave everyone a list of the contact information for all the Commission members, which I will repeat at the end of this blog.

I thought I would post two sample letters for those interested in joining the “Save Social Security” movement.  The first one I sent to all the Commissioners yesterday; the second one comes from my assistant, Colette.

MARC’S LETTER

June 8, 2010

Honorable Alan K. Simpson
Burg Simpson Eldredge Hersh Jardine, P.C.
1135 14th Street
P.O. Box 490
Cody, WY 82414

Dear Honorable Simpson:

I am writing you concerning your role as part of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform. 

As you know, under the Reagan Administration the federal government started borrowing money from the Social Security Trust fund instead of raising or maintaining taxes or floating other Treasury debt.  Many people such as Peter Peterson would like the United States to walk away from these loans that the federal government has taken from the Social Security Trust Fund and not pay the money back as part of a package to deal with our pressing debt problems. 

As the owner of a very successful small business, I am quite concerned about this alarming and irresponsible proposal.  If we do not pay this debt back, it will be disastrous not only for the millions of people who will see their Social Security benefits gutted, but to the ability of the U.S. to borrow money  because it will mark the first time that the country has ever defaulted on a loan.  A much better approach to addressing our national debt is to increase corporate, income and capital gains tax.

Please make sure that the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform recommends that the federal government repay the Social Security Trust Fund every penny it owes so that Social Security can remain solvent without major changes and the federal government can work on its real challenge, which is lowering the federal debt. 

Best regards,

Marc Jampole

COLETTE’S LETTER

June 8, 2010

Honorable Alan K. Simpson
Burg Simpson Eldredge Hersh Jardine, P.C.
1135 14th Street
P.O. Box 490
Cody, WY 82414

Dear Honorable Simpson:

I am writing you concerning your role as part of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform. 

As you know, under the Reagan Administration the federal government started borrowing money from the Social Security Trust fund instead of raising or maintaining taxes or floating other Treasury debt.  Many people such as Peter Peterson would like the United States to walk away from these loans that the federal government has taken from the Social Security Trust Fund and not pay the money back as part of a package to deal with our pressing debt problems. 

As someone who has contributed to the Social Security Trust Fund for over two decades, I am deeply concerned that the money promised to me from this Trust will not be available to not only me but others who have contributed to the system.  As promised, I want the money to be available for my family.  The government can’t solve its debt problems by forgiving the debt it owes to its citizens. 

If the Social Security Trust is gutted, millions of people will be forced to rely on other forms of government programs such as Medicaid and Social Security Disability which will also become insolvent.   The federal government needs to concern itself with the welfare of its citizens in need rather than corporate welfare or the desire of the wealthy to increase its wealth at the expense of fellow citizens.

The federal government has a responsibility to ensure that Social Security remains solvent and the promise to provide financial support to its citizens in their retirement be fulfilled.  The federal government should address the national debt problem by increasing corporate, income and capital gains tax. 

Sincerely,

Colette Roessler

COMMISSION MEMBERS

Here are the Commission members:

Co-Chairmen:

Sen. Alan Simpson, former Republican Senator from Wyoming
Hon. Alan K. Simpson
Shareholder
Burg Simpson Eldredge Hersh Jardine, P.C.
1135 14th Street
P.O. Box 490
Cody, WY 82414
asimpson@burgsimpson.com

Erskine Bowles, chief of staff to President Clinton
President
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
910 Raleigh Rd
Campus Box 9000
Chapel Hill, NC 27514
ebowles@northcarolina.edu

Executive Director:

Bruce Reed, chief domestic policy adviser to President Clinton and chief executive officer
Democratic Leadership Council
600 Pennsylvania Ave., SE
Suite 400
Washington, D.C. 20003

Commissioners:

Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT)
511 Hart Senate Office Building
United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510

Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-CA 31)
1119 Longworth House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515

Rep. Dave Camp (R-MI 4)
341 Cannon House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515

Sen. Tom Coburn (R-OK)
172 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510

Sen. Kent Conrad (D-ND)
530 Hart Senate Office Building
United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510-3403

David Cote, chairman and chief executive officer, Honeywell International
Honeywell International Inc.
101 Columbia Road
Morristown, NJ 07962

Sen. Mike Crapo (R-ID)
239 Dirksen Senate Building
Washington, D.C. 20510

Sen. Richard Durbin (D-IL)
309 Hart Senate Building
United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510

Ann Fudge, former chief executive officer, Young & Rubicam Brands
2400 Beacon St, Ph 601
Chestnut Hill, MA 02467

Sen. Judd Gregg (R-NH)
201 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510

Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-TX 5)
129 Cannon House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515

Alice Rivlin, senior fellow, Brookings Institute and former director
Office of Management & Budget
Brookings Institute
1775 Massachusetts Ave, NW
Washington, D.C. 20036
arivlin@brookings.edu

Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI 1)
1113 Longworth House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515 

Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-IL 9)
2367 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515

Rep. John Spratt (D-SC 5)
1401 Longworth Building
Washington, D.C. 20515

Mary Kay Henry, president, Service Employees International Union
1800 Massachusetts Ave NW
Washington, D.C. 20036

Can a product be so wasteful and unnecessary that it is inherently immoral? Nestlé tests the limits.

For some years now, several companies have sold coffee-making systems that produce coffee and other warm beverages while creating a mountain of waste.  The coffee is in a sealed aluminum pod that the user inserts into the machine and voila, one cup of the coffee you selected is sent through a common dispenser into your probably Styrofoam cup.  Now these systems do not brew coffee in a different way as an espresso maker does; but rather they bring technology to the art of making instant coffee.  The pods come in an array of coffee strengths and flavors (usually artificial), and often include hot chocolate and some tea varieties.   

I have seen these set-ups from several companies in a number of homes and business, and I can see why businesses fall for this machine:

  • No more arguments about cleaning up the coffee pot
  • People get a wide choice of drinks
  • It’s completely sanitary

I don’t drink coffee, but the tea and hot chocolate from these contraptions has always struck me as having two strong back flavors—one of coffee and the other of that general processed flavor you can taste in certain processed foods. 

And these tins will accumulate quickly and create unnecessary waste.  It’s absurd—every cup of coffee, tea or cocoa makes another aluminum pod.  Whatever the convenience factor, how can anyone justify the packaging waste this system produces.

And now the New York Times reports that Nestlé is coming out with one of these pod systems just for tea!!! 

You remember Nestlé.

That’s the Swiss food giant that promoted infant formula over breast-feeding to mothers in less economically developed countries, which led to health problems and infant deaths because of the unavailability of clean water with which to mix the formula.

Nowadays, instead of exploiting the poor, Nestlé is pandering to the wasteful tendencies of our throwaway society. 

Okay, let’s take it all in:  You buy an expensive machine plus expensive pods of tea and whatever artificial flavorings and preservatives are also in there and you create a nice cup of litter for every single cup of tea you have—all to avoid boiling water.

It makes you wonder if there are some products such as these beverage making systems that are so useless and unnecessary that they are inherently immoral.

To all individuals and businesses:  Do not buy this machine.  Buy a tea pot and a coffee maker. 

And when you run into these machines, do what I have started doing: refuse to drink any beverage from them.  You don’t have to make a big deal about it if you don’t want to be confrontational.  Don’t say why you’re not having any coffee if you feel uncomfortable about “dissing” your client or your lawyer, or your significant other’s bourgeois parents whom you’re meeting for the first time.  Just don’t drink the coffee or tea.

Our man-made disasters: are the risk management models wrong or do people feed in overly optimistic information?

A common element in some recent man-made or man-assisted disasters has been the failure of risk models to predict the disaster.  The subject of risk models is a bit complicated, so let’s start with a simple definition.

Many events are caused by not one thing, but by a bunch of things.  For example, position of the earth, humidity, wind, levels of CO2 and air particulates, conditions on the ground and a host of other factors that can affect whether it’s going to rain, or how much it’s going to rain. 

Essentially, a risk model tells you how likely something is going to happen.  You set up your model as a set of mathematical equations that define measurable factors.  You then do little thought experiments:  What if we raise the temperature?  What if we assume that local factories and cars are spewing out more CO2?  What if we assume that it doesn’t rain for five years?  Changing each of those factors would give us a different answer.

Engineers, insurance companies, economists, businesses and scientists all use risk models to predict how likely something is going to happen based on the most likely or common numbers for each factor.  They then predict future behavior by changing these variables:  How many sales will we lose if we raise the price of this new product?  What will happen to traffic patterns if we double the size of the store we’re building?  How will putting a tax on sweetened drinks affect consumption and tax revenues?  What is the likelihood that Iran will have an atom bomb by 2015?  Will it cost more to fix the very minor flaw in this piece of equipment or to defend the small number of lawsuits we can expect if we don’t fix it?

But here are some recent huge risk model failures:

  • A risk model was used to measure the likelihood of an oil spill occurring when using the technologies, equipment and maintenance schedule BP used on its oil rig that is currently spilling about 19,000 gallons of oil into the Gulf of Mexico on a daily basis.  That risk model said that such an accident was highly unlikely.
  • Risk models were used to package, sell and buy the sophisticated synthetic investments that sent the economy into the toilet two years ago.  These models said that it was almost impossible for certain combinations of investments to fail, and when they did, large banks failed or almost failed. 
  • Risk models helped state and federal budgeters for years decide they could put off fixing the New Orleans levies for yet another year.  Other risk models said that the levies were safe enough to handle even the rarest of storms.  These risk models proved wrong when the rarest of storms, Ms. Katrina, paid a visit to the Gulf coast.

Why did these risk models fail?  We of course have to entertain the possibility that some situations are just too complicated for prediction, but in many cases, it’s not the model, it’s the numbers that people crunch into the model.  If you put overly optimistic predictions in, you will get an overly optimistic result.  We saw an example of optimistic prediction in western Pennsylvania a few years back when a local university put its name on a study that concluded that passage of a funding referendum that included building new football and baseball stadiums would lead to the creation of thousands of jobs.  But when you dug deep into the study, the conclusions were based on assumptions that every new industrial park funded by the referendum would fill up to capacity in townships which had seen population and business losses for more than 20 years.  The assumptions were optimistic, so the prediction of the model was bound to fail.

There are plenty of indications that in the three examples of recent man-made or man-assisted disasters that I gave, people involved were too optimistic in their predictions.  And why?  Because by doing so, they were able to make money or save money on a short term basis.  Every day engineers, economists and other people working with risk models get pressure from their clients to come up with the results the clients want.  So they fudge on their estimates.

There’s nothing wrong with risk models, but there are many old expressions that cover what can happen when they are misused.  The acronym GIGO comes to mind—“garbage in, garbage out.”  And Mark Twain once said, “Figures never lie, but liars figure.”

Tea party positions show either the inconsistency or hypocrisy of Tea Party leaders, and perhaps also followers.

Over the past week, the news media has given some publicity to two Tea Party stands that seem wildly inconsistent with its basic principles.

Let’s start with those principles, as I understand them.  I’m listing the core beliefs of its leaders and members, the few statements that come to mind as soon as you think of the Tea Party; its brand, if you will:

  • Grass roots movement of the people
  • Wants lower taxes
  • Wants smaller government that does what the people want
  • Wants more dependence on the free market

Yet in several states, Tea Party members are pushing for repeal of the 17th amendment, which mandates election of Senators instead of appointment by state legislatures, which was what the Constitution called for and was the practice in the U.S. until well into the 20th century.  There have been a number of articles on the Tea Party move to end democratic election of U.S. Senators, including two in the New York Times “Tea Party’s Push on Senate Election Exposes Limits” and “So You Still Want to Choose Your Senator?.”  A brief search also yielded articles in local newspapers like the Anniston Star in Alabama, plus U.S. News & World Report, Huffington Post and Atlantic.  One of the New York Times articles reminds us that George Will, the raving right-wing ideologue disguised as a mild-mannered intellectual, and Alan Keyes, perpetual “longshot“ values candidate,  both have proposed repeal of the 17th amendment.

The arguments for repeal are weak and include the idea that 30-second sound bites have turned elections into circuses and that with direct election of Senators, state legislations lost all their influence over Congress.  These arguments mask the basically anti-democratic nature of appointing legislators instead of having all the people elect them.  As the approximately 125-year history of appointing Senators showed, Senators tend to support the special interest groups that support their candidacy, whether the voters are all the people or just the 50-200 members of a typical state legislature. 

Why would a grass roots movement of the people want to take power away from the people and give it to government?  The Tea Party movement doesn’t like any government, so why do its leaders suddenly want to put their faith in state government?

But now for the really weird: Last weekend there were a number of rallies in the state of Arizona in favor of and against the new Arizona anti-illegal immigrant law that allows the police to stop anyone for suspicion of being an illegal alien and ask them for their papers proving they are U.S. citizens. (Do you carry your passport around all the time?  I don’t, but I guess I don’t have to since I don’t look Hispanic or Muslim.) 

It turns out that Tea Party groups from Dallas and St. Louis sponsored one of the rallies in favor of the new law.  Tea Party members were at the rallies supporting the Arizona law and not at the rallies against this carte blanche invitation to racial profiling. 

And why does the Tea Party say it’s supporting the new Arizona law.  From the New York Times  “We are doing this to crush any boycott against the free market,” said Tina Loudon, a Tea Party member from St. Louis who helped organize the rally.

It seems to me that someone in favor of a free market would not only support accommodation of illegal aliens but want to open up our borders completely.  Free means free, without encumbrance or regulation, and yet the Tea Party wants police to intervene in the free passage of people.  Furthermore, someone who doesn’t like government butting its nose into private business should not be happy with any law that puts the government into the business or regulating labor markets, and a law policing immigration certainly does that.

But these are only apparent contradictions because as a study released today by the University of Washington shows, “opposition and frustration with government is going hand in hand with a frustration and opposition to racial and ethnic minorities and gays and lesbians.”  There are about 40 stories showing on Google about the survey.  For example, the Seattle Times reported that the director of the study said, “The tea party movement is not just about small government or frustration. It’s (also) about a very specific frustration with government resources being used on minorities and gays and lesbians and people who are more diverse.“

At heart, while the Tea Party throws around concepts such as “free market,” “lower taxes” and “small government,” what the members really are concerned with is maintaining and gaining power for their concept of what constitutes what Sarah Palin calls “the real America”—in other words: white, rural/suburban and Christian.

Tell National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility members to make federal government pay what it owes Social Security.

Reading William Greider’s article titled “Whacking the Old Folks” in the most recent Nation reminded me that I wanted to list on this blog the contact information for every member of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, the independent bipartisan commission that President Obama set up to address the budget deficit.

As William Greider and Nation and seemingly few others have been saying for many months, the hidden agenda of this commission may be to address the enormous federal budget deficit by gutting Social Security. This move would be disastrous because it would destroy faith in the United States’ ability and willingness to pay its debts. I can’t see how an economic system built on faith in credit can survive if the largest economic player is seen as untrustworthy, and that’s how our country will be seen if we make substantial cuts to Social Security benefits.

That’s because Social Security has plenty of money, but it’s loaned all its surplus to the federal government, a practice started in the Reagan Administration. If we assume that loan will be repaid, we have enough money in the Social Security Trust fund to last a long time, some estimates say until the 2040’s. With that loan repaid, we can pretty much make Social Security permanently solvent by some quick fixes, mainly raising the cap on income for which Social Security is collected and raising the retirement age a little. In other words, while the U.S. faces a severe deficit crisis, brought on by too many tax cuts and too much war-making, Social Security does not have a problem.

But virtually all the people like Pete Peterson who are wringing their hands that Social Security is in trouble act under the assumption that the federal government will not repay this loan. As opposed to raising income, corporate and capital gains taxes to close the deficit, Peterson and his ilk want to raid the Social Security fund and then make massive cuts to Social Security benefits, thus effecting perhaps the greatest mass transfer of wealth from the poor to the rich in U.S. history and completing the political agenda laid out by Ronald Reagan in the late 70’s.

This thinking is very short-sighted for many reasons. Even rich people who want the tax breaks and don’t need Social Security are not immune to the upheaval that will be caused when worldwide financial markets catch on to the fact that raiding Social Security is nothing more than defaulting on a loan. No one likes to do business with countries that default on loans. We saw how the recent possibility of the default of the small nation of Greece rocked financial markets. Imagine what would happen when the financial community wakes up and realizes that the United States government has walked away from a loan made by its own citizens.

Greider suggests that President Obama has filled the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform with those hostile to Social Security. The Commission website proposes a very fast timetable for action:

“The Commission will vote on a final report containing a set of recommendations to achieve its mission no later than December 1, 2010. The final report will require the approval of at least 14 of the Commission’s 18 members.”

That means we don’t have much time to act. Below is a list of every member of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, including email and/or snail mail contact. I am asking that all my readers contact every member of the commission and tell them some version of the following message:

Please make sure that the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform recommends that the federal government repay the Social Security Trust Fund every penny it owes so that Social Security can remain solvent without major changes and the federal government can work on its real challenge, which is lowering the federal debt.

Don’t just send your note to one member, send to all. And ask your friends and neighbors to do the same. If you have a blog, post it on your blog, with all the contact information. We can’t just sit around and let politicians representing the very wealthy steal our Social Security money.

Here are the Commission members:

Co-Chairmen:
Sen. Alan Simpson, former Republican Senator from Wyoming
Hon. Alan K. Simpson
Shareholder
Burg Simpson Eldredge Hersh Jardine, P.C.
1135 14th Street
P.O. Box 490
Cody, WY 82414
asimpson@burgsimpson.com

Erskine Bowles, chief of staff to President Clinton
President
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
910 Raleigh Rd
Campus Box 9000
Chapel Hill, NC 27514
ebowles@northcarolina.edu

Executive Director:
Bruce Reed, chief domestic policy adviser to President Clinton and chief executive officer, Democratic Leadership Council
600 Pennsylvania Ave., SE
Suite 400
Washington, DC 20003

Commissioners:
Sen. Max Baucus (D-MT)
511 Hart Senate Office Building
United States Senate
Washington, D.C. 20510

Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-CA 31)
1119 Longworth House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515

Rep. Dave Camp (R-MI 4)
341 Cannon House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Sen. Tom Coburn (R-OK)
172 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510

Sen. Kent Conrad (D-ND)
530 Hart Senate Office Building
United States Senate
Washington, DC 20510-3403

David Cote, chairman and chief executive officer, Honeywell International
Honeywell International Inc.
101 Columbia Road
Morristown, NJ 07962

Sen. Mike Crapo (R-ID)
239 Dirksen Senate Building
Washington, DC 20510

Sen. Richard Durbin (D-IL)
309 Hart Senate Building
United States Senate
Washington, DC 20510

Ann Fudge, former chief executive officer, Young & Rubicam Brands
2400 Beacon St, Ph 601
Chestnut Hill, MA 02467

Sen. Judd Gregg (R-NH)
201 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, DC 20510

Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-TX 5)
129 Cannon House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Alice Rivlin, senior fellow, Brookings Institute and former director, Office of Management & Budget
Brookings Institute
1775 Massachusetts Ave, NW
Washington, DC 20036
arivlin@brookings.edu

Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI 1)
1113 Longworth HOB
Washington, D.C. 20515

Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-IL 9)
2367 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Rep. John Spratt (D-SC 5)
1401 Longworth Building
Washington, DC 20515

Mary Kay Henry, president, Service Employees International Union
1800 Massachusetts Ave NW
Washington, DC 20036

It’s a disgrace that the mainstream news media don’t consider John Yoo to be a disgraced figure.

John Yoo is torturing the public with a campaign to deny Elena Kagan confirmation to the Supreme Court.  First he came out with a piece that appeared on Op/Ed pages all over the country last weekend castigating Kagan for actions regarding military recruiters while dean of the Harvard Law School.   I saw the article in both the Pittsburgh/Greensburg Tribune Review and the Philadelphia Inquirer.

Then earlier this week, Yoo put Kagan through the verbal equivalent of a waterboarding session for what he said was her propensity to weaken the power of the executive branch, an absurd claim considering her past experience and statements.

With these articles, not only does Yoo want to make a case against Kagan, he also wants to set the terms of the debate over her confirmation. 

I’m not going to waste anyone’s time analyzing the specious rhetoric Yoo employs in both these articles.  Instead I want to put his campaign to discredit Kagan into a historical perspective.

Yoo is an old hand at using the pen to promulgate lies.  Remember, he is the author of the Justice Department memo that said, among other things, that:

  • Waterboarding is not torture
  • Torture does not begin until injury to a vital organ
  • If the President of the United States orders it, it isn’t torture
  • The President is not bound by any international agreements regarding torture.

Now Yoo and the right-wing foundations and associations that pay him are entitled to their opinion, and the news media are certainly free to publish whoever’s views on whatever issues they like.

But I ask, with so many possible opponents to Kagan’s nomination out there, why publish Yoo?  Shouldn’t he be a disgraced figure who hangs his head in shame somewhere?  As one of the prime facilitators of the torture operation that has embarrassed our country around the world, shouldn’t he be hiding in a corner someplace for about a decade?  Don’t editors realize that by giving him a major say on another issue that they are in a profound sense giving credence to his views on torture, because they have not acted as if these views do not invalidate him in other areas?

Wouldn’t we be outraged if we learned that after World War II, Albert Speer, Hitler’s Minister of Armaments and War Production, was routinely chiming in his opinion on who Prime Minister Adenauer should be appointing to key ministerial posts?  Closer to home, didn’t President Nixon go through a long period after resigning from the presidency before his opinions about politics and world events showed up in the media again?

While I despise Yoo for his lack of humanity and legal ethics, I do not begrudge him his attempt to redeem himself by being useful once more to the autocratic part of the right wing, that is, those like Dick Cheney who conceive of the role of president as more of a King with unfettered rights.

But as far as the news media goes, for shame for allowing Mr. Yoo’s opinion into your newspaper for any other purpose than to defend himself and his torture lawyer buddies. 

I’d like to close this entry with an anti-torture poem I wrote a few years back that’s in my book, Music from Words.  The poem takes the form of a dream within a dream, but I assure you, everything that happens in the poem has been well-documented to have occurred to prisoners in Bush’s worldwide torture gulag.

GHOST

Dreaming, soldiers lug me from the plane
despite my claims, American citizen,
blinded, neck between my knees,
ankles cuffed to wrists
motors whining, grumbling,
cars and planes and cars again.
Where am I? What did I do?
Why can’t I call my wife?

I wake to driving my taxi.
Rocks explode the windshield.
I’m probing for damage
when soldiers engulf me,
sic leashed dogs, at my buttocks nipping,
cell me, strip me, chain me to a bed.
Booming trumpets ram my eardrums,
scorching flood lights detonate
dissolving eyelids, aching pupils.

I wake, moved to another cell,
wake again and moved again,
wake again and moved again,
wake and moved, wake and moved.

I wake to sear of burning cigarette
milled in ear, pushed to ground,
log-rolled over steaming excrement,
try to focus, pleasant memories,
wife and children, figs and coffee.

I wake hooded, naked
above another naked man
whose penis touches my rectum
below another naked man
whose rectum touches my penis
whose body’s warmness teases me
to shameful reluctant erection.
Pulled from the pile, hood punched off,
I see a dozen hooded naked men
heaped to squalid pyramid of flesh
and a large gun pointed
by a soldier yelling, Jerk off, hajji
while a woman in soldier’s garb
tapes my performance,
other soldiers laughing.

I wake submerged,
head held firmly underwater
by muscular ropes to boards,
ever louder squall of heart,
gasping, heaving, frenzied gurgles,
ever hotter burning crush of chest,
maiming claws at guts and lungs,
tingles creeping, penetrating every limb,
growing weary, fading, watery, confused …

I wake to tranquil breathing: my wife,
gentle whir: the dryer downstairs,
muffled roar: an SUV rumbles past our window.
The heavy pounding in my chest
gradually calms to regular beat
as I tell myself it was only a dream.

That day you shoveled snow or the report of a scientific agency. Which do you believe in the global warming debate?

Perhaps my favorite weekly feature in the news media is “Earthweek: A Diary of the Planet,” which I read on page two of the Saturday Pittsburgh Post-Gazette.  Earthweek is a compendium of five or six small stories about weather or geology related events that occurred in the prior week, for example, monsoons, tornadoes, plagues, discoveries of new species or earthquakes. Each story has a little circular icon by it, which is also placed on a map of the world which comes with the feature. 

This past weekend, Earthweek’s lead story was about the latest analysis by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration  (NOAA) that found that so far, 2010 is the hottest year in the record books, which started in the late 1800’s.  And believe it or not, the extent of snow cover in North America was the smallest since those records have been kept in 1967.

I’d like to go beyond the obvious question of why this NOAA release of data was so little publicized in the mainstream media.  I think it’s clear by now that high on the agenda of virtually all the news media is keeping the controversy about the validity of global warming alive, despite the overwhelming evidence and acceptance by the scientific community that global warming is occurring. 

Instead, I want to use this analysis of the first four months of the year to talk about the power of anecdotal evidence.  When I first read about the NOAA data, I immediately thought of all those right-wing lie-mongers like Glen Beck and Rush Limbaugh scoffing at global warming in the dead of winter with 30 inches of snow on the ground.  They expected that their audience would place more credence in what they are feeling at the moment than on the mountain of studies about warmest years on record and retreating snow lines that has accumulated over the past two decades.

That’s the emotional power of the anecdote.  Each cold day is an anecdote of weather, just as Willie Horton and Reagan’s imagined welfare queens were anecdotes of grave threats to civil society;  just as the weak and powerless people that presidents since Reagan have taken to parading before the nation during State of the Union speeches are anecdotes of inspiration.

Anecdotal evidence is always based on a story, whether it’s the time you saw a dark-faced youth rob someone on the subway to the slow growing throb of cold pain in your hands when you’re into the second hour of shoveling out your car.

Anecdotal evidence works best when the anecdote symbolizes the message of the speaker, and it seems to be most powerful when it runs counter to facts but with the flow of belief.  For that reason, anecdotal thinking thrives wherever there is a clash between faith and science, with the side of faith more prone to making the anecdotal argument.

I believe that the best argument is one that is based on the facts but uses anecdotes to serve as examples of those facts.  In this way, you appeal to both the head with facts and the heart with stories that bring the facts to life.  But beware anybody who tells you the story, but doesn’t give you the facts. 

By the way, in the vast scheme of things, four months is also anecdotal, in that the warmest four months in recorded history could occur as an aberration during an extended cold spell.  But in fact, as NOAA and other statistics have proven, the earth has been rapidly warming over the past two centuries to the point that it is changing environments and weather patterns.

Why did the mainstream news media wait until after the primary to begin dumping on Rand Paul?

The news media unleashed a tsunami of stories about comments Rand Paul’s made on the 1964 Civil Rights Act, with almost 2,700 stories coming up on Google news within 48 hours.  Adam Nagourney and Carl Hulse wrote the base story for the front page of the May 21 edition of the New York Times.

Pundits from across the spectrum of opinion weighed in. Some rightfully excoriated R-Paul for making absurd statements such as his belief that private businesses have the right to refuse to serve African-Americans; for example David Gans on The Huffington Post.  Others offered principled explanations, such as the attempt of the Wall Street Journal to put R-Paul’s offensive remarks in the context of a libertarian movement that the Journal’s writer Jonathan Weisman claims began as a reaction to FDR’s New Deal.

Before speculating on the broader significance of what looks on the surface to be a sudden outbreak of foot-in-mouth disease, I want to analyze a part of the first Times article in which R-Paul demonstrates that he is completely stone deaf not only to minorities, but to his own Tea Party supporters:

Mr. Paul also found himself on the defensive on Thursday when he sought to justify his decision to hold his election night celebration at a country club in Bowling Green, arguing that was not in any way at variance with the grass-roots movement he has come to epitomize.

I think at one time, people used to think of golf and golf clubs and golf courses as being exclusive,” Mr. Paul said in an interview with ABC’s “Good Morning America,” adding, “Tiger Woods has helped to broaden that, in the sense that he’s brought golf to a lot of the cities and to city youth.”

First, R-Paul ignores the question completely because his answer focuses on minorities and the question concerned his movement, which has been well-documented to consist of fairly well-off whites living in far suburbs and rural areas.  What R-Paul is trying to do is bring minorities into his lily white tent, which consists of a lot of people who feel right at home in country clubs.  But R-Paul shows his finger is on nobody’s pulse when he hails Tiger Woods, who is currently still in semi-disgrace, as proof that minorities go to country clubs, which then for mysterious reasons justifies having his election night celebration in a country club.  Minority admissions to historically segregated country clubs may or may not be up, but the greatest golfer in the world certainly doesn’t prove it, since he gets a free pass as a celebrity.  And isn’t it a bit insulting to both African-Americans and his own constituency of middle aged, money white suburbanites to hold up as an example someone who has never really done anything for civil rights and has now scandalized himself with his bad behavior (which I still think was nobody’s business but his family’s and his).

In fact like his comments on the Civil Rights Act, holding his party at a country club was a subtle but easy-to-understand message to his core constituency.  It’s an ugly racist message at heart, no matter how much he pretties it up with libertarian abstractions.  And it’s obvious it’s been part of R-Paul’s bag of campaign tricks all along. Frank Rich dates 2002 as the earliest point one can start tracking R-Paul’s anti-Civil Rights Act rap.

So why didn’t the news media say anything about R-Paul’s obnoxious views regarding civil rights before the election?  The media should have been salivating over R-Paul’s incendiary comments, as they represent the very type of detail from which reporters can build a campaign narrative about a “horse race” and not the issues.

There is a long history of the news media building up candidates in the primaries only to tear them down during the election, or of building up candidates during the election only to tear them down once they have won.  The classic example is the Watergate burglary, which was downplayed until Nixon had trounced McGovern.  But think of the case of Michael Dukakis, who could do no wrong in the news media until he was nominated, giving the Democrats perhaps their weakest candidate ever in a presidential election in which there was no incumbent.  Kerry, too, was a much weaker, and more centrist, candidate than other 2004 choices among Democrats.  As I remember it, the media didn’t start dumping on him for his gaffes, his policy turnarounds and his privileged background until the fall campaign.  (Of course, Kerry’s smarmy and immature salute at the convention did make him a very easy target.)

I can’t tell you why the news media protects one candidate and goes after another, or protects a candidate until after the election, except to say that at the end of the day, newspapers represent the people who own them.